December 16, 2025

Last March, Donald Trump took the stage at the Department of Justice and called me a “radical” who was trying “to turn America into a corrupt, communist, Third World country.” A week later, he issued a presidential memorandum that targeted me by name.

At the time, I knew this was retribution for having stood up to him and defeated him in court. 

What I did not know — until today — was that Trump was already in the White House’s staff-approved “score-settling” phase of his new administration.

According to a newly released interview, White House Chief of Staff Susie Wiles thought she had an agreement with the president that his retribution tour would “end before the first 90 days are over.” As she acknowledges, it did not. “When there’s an opportunity,” she concedes, “he will go for it.”

The last 11 months have shown that Trump believes there are plenty of opportunities, and Wiles makes clear there are no guardrails on his abuses. As she says succinctly, “Who would blame him? Not me.”

I, for one, do blame him. And I blame Wiles and Trump’s sycophantic staff who praise him and enable this behavior. More importantly, future generations may very well blame them for attempting to subvert democracy and the rule of law. After all, President Richard Nixon’s staff didn’t escape history unscathed. 

We are already witnessing the damage inflicted by this lawless president bent on retribution. In May, three Democratic members of Congress attempted to conduct a routine inspection of an immigration detention facility. They were blocked and harassed by federal law enforcement.

A month later, one of the three — Rep. LaMonica McIver — was indicted for interfering with law enforcement. Her indictment was the first warning that the supposed 90-day retribution period had been extended past its original end date.

She was not the last person to be targeted. Since then, we have seen a steady stream of victims of Trump’s retribution. Attorney General Letitia James, James Comey and John Bolton are among the most obvious examples. But law firms, universities, former Trump officials and ordinary citizens have also been targeted.

The pattern of this retribution is easy to recognize. What has been more difficult to understand are the varied reactions to it. Some, like McIver, James and Comey, have stood tall and fought back. Others — particularly tech CEOs and far too many in law and media — have given in.

This is an unacceptable submission. When Trump sued me for racketeering, I fought in court and won. Yet large corporate law firms and media companies chose instead to settle bogus claims, paying tens of millions of dollars in free services and cash.

Perhaps, like Wiles, they believed the 90-day retribution period would expire for those who capitulated. More likely, they saw a business advantage in lining Trump’s pockets and becoming partners in his efforts.

Either way, the result has been the same. Those with resources — and a lack of moral compass — cut deals that place an even greater burden on those with principles who choose to stand and fight.

In her effort to persuade Trump to abide by the 90-day retribution limit, Wiles argued that “the justice system works slowly, and so even if it was initiated in 90 days, it could be a long time before it’s done.” In other words: Do what you want now, and you will reap the benefits of this corrupt effort for months or years to come.

I do not pretend to know why Wiles thought this argument would persuade a man with no impulse control. But it does reveal a deeper truth about the period in which we live. Actions taken to corrupt the rule of law and the justice system will have long-term consequences — some of which we have not yet seen.

The decision to prosecute Rep. McIver has undoubtedly had a chilling effect on other members of Congress who might challenge the administration’s detention policies. The prosecutions of Comey and James will create new law and new incentives for those caught in the web of political retaliation.

These actions will also permanently alter how the Department of Justice operates — and how it is perceived. Federal prosecutors and government lawyers serving this administration are making a choice. They are no longer guardians of the rule of law; they are foot soldiers of a regime determined to undermine it.

Most troubling of all, the routine willingness of business leaders to compromise their ethics and sacrifice their dignity to curry favor with Trump has damaged confidence in corporate America for at least a generation. Big law firms will never be the same. Nor will large universities. Most damaged, however, are the legacy media outlets that once promised coverage without fear or favor and have instead revealed themselves as fearful institutions willing to bend to Trump’s demands.

Wiles told us exactly what Trump is doing: “When there’s an opportunity, he will go for it.” It is a candid admission of corruption — and an even more damning indictment of those who collaborate to reward those opportunities.